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การเมือง · Epstein disclosureข่าวต่อเนื่อง · รายงานที่ 3 จาก 3

218 signatures put Epstein records enforcement bill on a path to House vote

A House majority has opened a route around Republican leaders. The proposed law would let survivors and investigators sue over blocked Epstein records—but signatures are not enactment.

เขียน ใช้เวลาอ่าน 6 นาที · 63 แหล่งข่าว

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97 วันต่อมา

ตอนนั้น

A Year Into Epstein Files Fight, Cooperation Is the Contested Question

ที่ยังไม่ชัดเจนในตอนนั้น

  • No independent source in file verifies Krishnamoorthi C-SPAN quotes or White House cooperation level.
  • No separate confirmation Republicans echoed his specific White House criticism.

สิ่งที่เราบอกว่าจะจับตา

  • Whether the court orders release or accepts redactions after the Aug. 13 hearing.
  • Whether Comer closes the House probe with criminal referrals.
  • Whether the transparency act advances and if Trump would sign it.

ตอนนี้

A House majority has opened a route around Republican leaders. The proposed law would let survivors and investigators sue over blocked Epstein records—but signatures are not enactment.

218 signatures—a House majority—have opened a route around Republican leaders for legislation that would let Epstein survivors, state prosecutors and lawmakers take the U.S. attorney general to court over blocked records. That is a consequential shift in control of the House agenda. It is not yet a victory for access to the files.⁠33⁠3

Rep. Thomas Massie’s discharge petition reached the threshold on November 11, 2026, when California Democrat John Garamendi supplied signature number 218. Washington Democrat Adam Smith had added number 217 the previous day. The official House Clerk roster contains 218 signatures: all 214 Democrats and four Republicans.⁠33

The Republican signers are Massie of Kentucky, Nancy Mace and Ralph Norman of South Carolina, and Brian K. Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania. ABC News described all four as lame-duck members. Their signatures support bringing the proposal forward; they do not bind those members to vote for final passage. A floor vote has not been scheduled.⁠33⁠3

The proposal’s central idea is straightforward: people seeking records should not have to depend entirely on the department holding them to enforce its own disclosure obligations. The Epstein Files Transparency Act II would give survivors and investigators their own legal tools to challenge alleged noncompliance—and give Congress deadlines backed by a right to sue. Those powers still require enactment.⁠61

On August 8, 2026, we reported Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi’s assessment that President Donald Trump was not cooperating as fully as lawmakers wanted with the Epstein investigation. We also reported Rep. Pete Sessions’s argument that Congress had handed the matter to the Justice Department and made it a “political football.” Those were lawmakers’ assessments, not court findings. What has changed is concrete: a majority has now signed a procedural instrument to pursue stronger enforcement. That does not settle the earlier allegations about executive cooperation.

Access belongs to survivors, too

This is not the first disclosure mandate. Congress overwhelmingly passed the original Epstein Files Transparency Act in November 2025 after Massie used a discharge petition to force that House vote, and Trump signed it. The new measure would amend that law, Public Law 119-38, rather than create the first obligation to disclose records.⁠3⁠61

Massie introduced the stand-alone proposal, H.R. 9694, on July 15 with Democrats Ro Khanna of California and Teresa Leger Fernández of New Mexico. It was referred to the Judiciary Committee. Senators Jeff Merkley of Oregon and Ben Ray Luján of New Mexico lead the Senate version.⁠61⁠30

At the introduction, Massie alleged that the Justice Department was unlawfully withholding more than three million Epstein files and maintaining heavy redactions. That was his accusation in July—not a newly verified November inventory or a judicial finding about which records have been unlawfully withheld. The petition’s success proves the signature count, not the allegation.⁠30

For a survivor, the bill would establish a right to request full, unredacted records relating to themselves or the harm they suffered, including FBI interview reports and references to their parents, siblings or legal guardians. The entitlement would cover records or portions relating to that survivor, not an unrestricted right to other survivors’ information. Other victims’ identifying details and protected personal or medical material could remain redacted.⁠61

A survivor alleging unlawful withholding, concealment, delay, failure to respond or an unjustified redaction could sue the attorney general. State attorneys general, district attorneys and other authorized state officers could also bring enforcement cases for their states or residents. Available remedies would include court orders, monetary relief, costs and reasonable attorney’s fees, with courts directed to expedite cases as far as practicable.⁠61

The proposed victim definition reaches people directly harmed by abuse, trafficking, forced labor, exploitation or related crimes involving Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell or their criminal network. Federal recognition, an investigative record or a sworn declaration alleging the harm could establish the specified connection. Claims arising from someone’s own participation in or benefit from the crimes would generally be excluded, while preserving coverage when that involvement began through their own trafficking or abuse. These are proposed legal definitions, not findings about any additional named person.⁠61

New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez explained the investigative stakes when he backed the bill on July 15:

Survivors have waited too long for answers, and my office has waited too long for the federal government to turn over the unredacted records we need to complete our criminal investigation.

Raúl Torrez 30

That describes his office’s stated concern in July, not a verified account of what it possesses now. The legislation would apply to state investigations already underway at enactment and add to other available remedies. Its significance is that access would become something investigators could seek through a defined enforcement system, rather than merely request and await.⁠61

Unredacted does not mean unrestricted

The bill draws an important distinction between publishing information and giving investigators usable access. State prosecutors could obtain unredacted copies even when records properly remain hidden from public view. They could possess, retain and use them for authorized investigations and proceedings under protective orders safeguarding victims. Access could not be confined to a judge’s private inspection in a way that prevented investigators from possessing and using the records.⁠61

Protected portions used in court would remain sealed or otherwise protected unless lawful public disclosure preserved victims’ identifying and private information. Federal agencies could not invoke the specified Justice Department information-production rules, commonly called Touhy regulations, to block, delay or condition access required by the act.⁠61

Classified material would receive separate handling: full, unredacted review in a secure facility under court-approved procedures. The attorney general could seek storage, handling and filing protections, but classification alone could not justify refusing or delaying the required access. Classified portions could be used under seal or reviewed privately by a judge, excluding the opposing party where necessary. These provisions would not independently authorize publication of classified information.⁠61

Congress would get its own enforcement mechanism. A member’s written request would trigger a seven-calendar-day deadline for full, unredacted access. A written notice alleging a violation would trigger a separate 30-calendar-day deadline to remedy it or explain compliance. After the applicable period, a member alleging noncompliance could sue, seeking orders compelling access and stopping continued withholding. Courts could also reject materially false or misleading justifications and award legal costs and reasonable fees. These are proposed deadlines, not obligations activated by the petition.⁠61

The text would require explanations for “Each redaction,” replacing “All redactions,” and bar common-law privileges—including deliberative-process, attorney-client, work-product and law-enforcement privileges—from being used to withhold covered material except where the statute expressly permits it.⁠61

It also invokes existing federal criminal laws covering false statements, obstruction and destruction or falsification of records, including misconduct by senior Justice Department and FBI officials. But an undisclosed record would not automatically make an official a criminal. Any fine or imprisonment would depend on proving the applicable offense, including its required mental state.⁠61

The signatures still need votes

The House route is more complicated than simply calling up H.R. 9694. Discharge Petition No. 27 targets H.Res. 1430 in the Rules Committee. That resolution would bring forward a legislative vehicle, H.R. 185, replacing its text with the Epstein Files Transparency Act II. Discharging the resolution would not itself adopt the rule or pass the bill.⁠33⁠62

According to ABC News’s November 11 account of the procedure, the discharge motion must remain on the calendar for at least seven legislative days before a signer offers it. The speaker would then have two legislative days to act. Legislative days follow House proceedings; this is not an ordinary seven-day countdown.⁠3

The House would still need to adopt the resolution and pass the legislation. The resolution provides one hour of debate, divided equally between the Judiciary Committee’s majority and minority, and one motion to recommit. If the bill passed, the clerk would have one calendar day to transmit the passage message to the Senate. Senate action and enactment would remain necessary.⁠62

ABC News identified December 2 or 3, after the Thanksgiving recess, as possible earliest dates for floor action—not a confirmed schedule. Supporters have secured the signatures needed to pursue consideration. The harder test is whether that procedural majority becomes a law giving survivors and investigators enforceable access. Until then, 218 means a route to stronger rights, not possession of them.⁠3

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วันที่ 98 · 3 รายงาน

ลำดับเวลาของเรื่อง
  1. ที่เราออกอากาศ · อัปเดตครั้งที่ 1

    Eight Months After Congress Ordered Epstein Files Out, Justice Still Holds Them
  2. ที่เราออกอากาศ · อัปเดตครั้งที่ 2

    A Year Into Epstein Files Fight, Cooperation Is the Contested Question
  3. 25 วันต่อมา

  4. รายงานเป็นรายแรก

  5. 16 วันต่อมา

  6. ที่เราออกอากาศ · อัปเดตครั้งที่ 3คุณอยู่ที่นี่

    218 signatures put Epstein records enforcement bill on a path to House vote

แหล่งข่าว28

ในบรรดาแหล่งข่าวที่อ้างอิงที่นี่ disputeindex.com เผยแพร่ก่อนเป็นรายแรก โดยเผยแพร่ก่อนรายงานนี้ออกอากาศ 5 วัน มีสำนักข่าวอีก 10 แห่งเผยแพร่ตามมา

อ่านบทความเก่า 9 ชิ้นเพื่อศึกษาข้อมูลเบื้องหลัง12 สำนักข่าวที่ไม่ระบุวันที่:congress.govGovInfoaxios.comThe HillC-SPAN.orgCRS Reports

ข่าวต่อเนื่อง · รายงานที่ 3 จาก 3

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63 แหล่งข่าว จาก 28 สำนักข่าว· อ้างอิงมากที่สุดก่อน

ตามที่ออกอากาศ
  1. A House majority signed the Epstein files petition, opening a route around Republican leaders. The proposed law would let survivors and investigators take the attorney general to court over blocked records. Can supporters turn those signatures into enforceable access?
  2. The petition reached 218 signatures on November 11. That gives supporters of the Epstein Files Transparency Act II a way to force House consideration. The House still has to vote on the legislation.
  3. On August 8, we reported Raja Krishnamoorthi's criticism that President Trump wasn't cooperating as fully as lawmakers wanted. We also reported Pete Sessions's argument that Congress handed the matter to the Justice Department and made it a “political football.”
  4. Those were lawmakers' assessments. Now supporters have secured a concrete tool for controlling the House agenda. A discharge petition lets a majority bring a measure forward without the cooperation of leadership or the committee holding it.
  5. Thomas Massie, Nancy Mace, Ralph Norman and Brian K. Fitzpatrick supplied the four Republican signatures. All 214 House Democrats signed. The four Republicans are lame-duck members, but signing the petition doesn't commit anyone to voting for final passage.
  6. California Democrat John Garamendi supplied signature number 218. Washington Democrat Adam Smith had added number 217 the day before. The coalition has enough support to pursue a vote, while the outcome of that vote is still open.
  7. Eight discharge petitions had succeeded in the 119th Congress by November 11. Massie used the same approach to force the first Epstein disclosure vote. Congress passed that law overwhelmingly in November 2025, and Trump signed it.
  8. Massie introduced the new bill on July 15 with California Democrat Ro Khanna and New Mexico Democrat Teresa Leger Fernández. It went to the Judiciary Committee. Senators Jeff Merkley of Oregon and Ben Ray Luján of New Mexico lead the Senate version.
  9. Supporters must wait at least seven legislative days on the discharge calendar. Then a signer must offer the motion. The speaker would have two legislative days to act. A successful discharge vote would lead to consideration of the measure.
  10. Legislative days follow House proceedings, so that waiting period won't automatically end after an ordinary week. The petition targets a resolution in the Rules Committee. That resolution would replace another bill's text with the Epstein Files Transparency Act II and bring it before the House.
  11. The stand-alone proposal is H.R. 9694. The petition's route runs through H.Res. 1430 and a vehicle called H.R. 185. The resolution allows one hour of debate, equally divided between the Judiciary Committee's majority and minority, and one motion to send the bill back.
  12. If the House passes it, the clerk would have one calendar day to send the passage message to the Senate. Senate action and enactment would still be necessary before anyone gains the proposed new powers.
  13. Subscribe to this channel to follow whether this petition delivers enforceable access for survivors and investigators.
  14. New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez backed the proposal in July. He said survivors had waited too long for answers, and his office had waited too long for unredacted records needed to finish its criminal investigation.
  15. Massie said in July that the Justice Department was unlawfully withholding more than three million Epstein files and maintaining heavy redactions. The bill would give survivors and state officials their own way to challenge alleged violations of the existing disclosure law.
  16. A survivor could request full, unredacted records about themselves and the harm they suffered. Covered material includes FBI interview records and references to their parents, siblings or legal guardians. Other survivors' identifying information and private medical material could remain protected.
  17. The survivor's entitlement would cover the portions relating to that survivor. If the department unlawfully withheld, concealed or delayed them, failed to respond, or couldn't justify a redaction, the survivor could sue the attorney general.
  18. The definition covers people directly harmed by abuse, trafficking, forced labor, exploitation or related crimes involving Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell or their network. Federal recognition, an investigative record or a sworn declaration could supply the required connection.
  19. Claims arising from someone's own participation in or benefit from the crimes would generally be excluded. Coverage would remain when that involvement began through their own trafficking or abuse. The network definition reaches people who knowingly enabled, financed, concealed, profited from or obstructed investigation of the crimes.
  20. State attorneys general, district attorneys and other authorized state officers could also sue for their states or residents. Both groups could seek court orders, monetary relief, costs and reasonable legal fees. Courts would be directed to move the cases as quickly as practicable.
  21. The proposal recognizes harms such as blocked investigations, harassment and difficulty corroborating reports to police or obtaining victim statements. It also covers loss of information and financial harm exceeding one hundred dollars. These enforcement powers would reach investigations already underway and add to other available remedies.
  22. State prosecutors could obtain unredacted copies even when records properly remain hidden from public view. They could keep and use them for authorized investigations and court proceedings, under protective orders safeguarding victims. Access couldn't be confined to a judge's private inspection.
  23. Protected portions used in court would stay sealed or otherwise protected unless lawful disclosure preserved victims' identifying and private information. Federal agencies also couldn't use the specified Justice Department information-production rules, often called Touhy regulations, to block, delay or impose conditions on the required access.
  24. Classified records would be reviewed in a secure facility under court-approved procedures. The attorney general could request handling and storage protections, but classification alone couldn't justify refusing or delaying access. The proposal would preserve restrictions on public release.
  25. Classified portions could be used under seal or reviewed privately by a judge, with the opposing party excluded where necessary. Investigators would gain a controlled way to use the material while protecting it from unrestricted disclosure.
  26. A member's written request would start a seven-calendar-day deadline for unredacted access. A written notice alleging a violation would start a separate thirty-calendar-day deadline to fix it or explain compliance. These deadlines would take effect only if the proposal becomes law.
  27. After the applicable deadline, a member alleging noncompliance could sue in Washington or a federal district covering part of the area they represent. Courts could order compliance, stop continued withholding, reject materially false or misleading explanations, and award costs and reasonable legal fees.
  28. The bill changes “All redactions” to “Each redaction,” requiring explanations for individual cuts. It would also bar common-law privileges from being used to withhold, delay or redact covered records, except where the statute expressly allows it.
  29. Those privileges include protections for internal deliberations, attorney-client communications, lawyers' work product and law-enforcement material. The bill also ties misconduct involving records to existing federal criminal laws covering false statements, obstruction, falsification and destruction or removal of government records.
  30. The provisions cover Justice Department, FBI and federal prosecutors' personnel, including the attorney general and FBI director. Any fine or imprisonment would depend on proving the applicable offense and its required state of mind. An undisclosed record alone wouldn't automatically make someone a criminal.
  31. The text would also treat congressional compliance proceedings as proceedings covered by the obstruction law. It places compliance within federal-agency jurisdiction for the records-destruction law. Those provisions are part of the enforcement system supporters still need Congress to approve.
  32. Possible earliest House action falls after the Thanksgiving recess, on December 2 or 3. A floor vote hasn't been scheduled. Supporters have secured the signatures needed to pursue consideration; survivors' proposed access and enforcement rights still depend on enactment.

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